The Center for African Affairs and Global Peace

Re: How Can Democracy be Strengthened in African Countries?

Posted Feb 25, 2008 in the DemocracyGovernance category.

My Comments

Name: Amy Schwartz
Age: 24
Gender: Female
Home City/Town: Marlboro, New Jersey
Home Country: United States
Current place of residence: Marlboro, NJ, USA
Current Occupation: Newspaper Advertising-Sales at The Wall Street Journal

Questions- You are free to answer all of them. Please try to answer at least 2 to 3 of them.

1. Article 4, paragraph g of the Constitutive Act of the African Union establishes the principle of “non-interference by any Member State in the internal affairs of another”. However, the following paragraph (h) declares “the right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.” At what point, in your opinion, is it appropriate for Member States to act against a government believed to be undemocratic, especially one that has persecuted its citizens? Why might some people oppose such intervention? Consider the current situations in Kenya and Zimbabwe.

Hans Morgenthau, a prominent contemporary realist in International Relations theory, states in his text Politics Among Nations, “There can be no political morality without consideration of seemingly moral action. A man who was nothing but a ‘political man’ would be a beast because he would be completely lacking in moral restraints, and a man who was nothing but a ‘moral man’ would be a fool because he would be completely lacking in prudence”.

Hans Morgenthau cites the elusiveness on which to intervene in countries that are suffering a political and/or humanitarian crisis. One nation’s conception of what constitutes a political or humanitarian crisis might be another’s example of a nationalist freedom fight or revolutionary cause. For example, the current crisis in Kenya can be looked at as a legitimate, yet violent opposition from Raila Odinga’s ODM because the crucial elections were considered not to be ‘free & fair’; or, on the other hand, to the international community as an unjust humanitarian crisis or ethnic cleansing against the Kikuyu Tribe, which once lived side by side the Luo.

Intervention for humanitarian purposes leads to a political and economic commitment, which can be extremely costly, uncertain and sometimes even unproductive. Academic Michael Mandelbaum addresses this ambiguity in an article titled, “The Reluctance to Intervene”, in which he states, “Intervention undertaken for purely humanitarian reasons leads inevitably to two quintessentially political tasks; guaranteeing the borders under challenge and constructing an apparatus of government in places where it is absent. Although sympathy is a powerful human emotion, prudence in political decisions can become a decisive factor.” As far as being appropriate to intervene, African Union states must make a binding commitment, both monetary and politically for the long-term, because as we have seen in the past, these crises can have a plethora of indirect consequences. In addition, I also believe that in regards to intervention by the African Union in a proclaimed humanitarian crisis such as in Kenya and Zimbabwe, support from the United Nations, the European Union and the United States should be present for additional monetary, political, and even military support to oversee that corruption does not occur in the use of monetary assistance, political support, and military appropriations.

• Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace. Brief Edition ( McGraw-Hill 1993), Chapter One.
• Michael Mandelbaum, “The Reluctance to Intervene”, Foreign Policy, (Summer 1994), 95, pp. 4-5.

2. Can the United States and the European Nations play a constructive role in collaborating with African governments in strengthening democracy? What, or what not, should that role consist of? Yes, the United States and the former European colonizers can play a constructive role in strengthening democracy, especially to monitor elections, in which a watchdog could now become a necessity after the current Kenyan crisis, and even in Nigeria where the last elections in April 2007 were also disputed.

One role the former colonizers could play is working with African countries in regards to representation in International Organizations, such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and other UN Organizations. I believe additional representation from the continent will provide African governments with more confidence in their democracies at home and their ability to lead on an international stage. There has been talk among the international community to open the head roles, which have always been primarily American and European, at the World Bank and the IMF to Asian and African leaders. If African democracies believed they could get a post to this high status, respect, and responsibility, I believe they would work even harder towards transparency in government at home.

3. To what extent does successful democracy depend on a strong, common sense of national identity? In what ways can ethnic, religious, linguistic, tribal, caste and regional identities be respected yet woven into common national identities? Can you think of any examples from your country or elsewhere?

I think that democracy is a balance of both a strong national identity, and a plethora of regional identities within that can live side by side in relative peace. The forefront of democracy is giving the people power in which to form their government, and the right to hold free and fair elections, utilize freedom of speech and the press, and to practice any religion. However, xenophobia can naturally arise when ethnic, religious, tribal, and religious identities are all in close quarters. Hence, compromises become acute, which spurs violence among these groups and a breakdown of political order. In theory, specifically liberal institutionalism, this could be adverted with international organizations that provide an outlet in which the groups can discuss compromises and outside observers assist in finding solutions. But as we see in most African countries, with various religious, ethnic, and tribal groups, finding a common ground is almost always capricious, and its effects even transcend to neighboring counties.

With the history of African nations post-independence yielding various coups and ethnic violence, it seems that certain groups use this as a precedent in their own specific cause. For example, the first military coup post-independence in Ghana to overthrow Kwame Nkrumah, was deemed successful by the West and it has even been argued that the coup was supported by the CIA. Further, the Western nations still show no signs of subscribing to pacifism, with United States and NATO forces ubiquitous.

However, I do believe in times of economic growth and external crises, patriotism does arise and provides a stepping stone on which a democracy can strengthen, however this needs to be long-term. One example is nationalism in Ghana, where it was the first African country to gain independence from its colonizers, and the international community has praised its economic growth. President John Agyekum Kufuor is the leader of the Africa Union, and Ghana is increasingly receiving more international exposure, tourism and FDI. Nationalism in Ghana is clearly present, but one could say the same of Kenya a two months ago where economic growth was also praised in the region, however volatility has caused the breakdown of nationalism into an almost clear ethnic cleansing.

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Re: How Can Democracy be Strengthened in African Countries?

Posted Feb 25, 2008 in the DemocracyGovernance category.

My Comments

Name: Adzele Jones
Age: 29
Gender: Female
Home City/Town:
Home Country: Togo
Current place of residence: United States
Current Occupation:
Questions- You are free to answer all of them. Please try to answer at least 2 to 3 of them.

1. Article 4, paragraph g of the Constitutive Act of the African Union establishes the principle of “non-interference by any Member State in the internal affairs of another”. However, the following paragraph (h) declares “the right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.” At what point, in your opinion, is it appropriate for Member States to act against a government believed to be undemocratic, especially one that has persecuted its citizens? Why might some people oppose such intervention? Consider the current situations in Kenya and Zimbabwe.

Instability in one country affects others and creates economic, public health and security problems. Military forces as a tool for intervention are no solutions. However when forces are used, they should be backed by diplomacy. With fewer resources to go around, economic sanctions often only affect the poor of the population unless it is only concentrated on the assets of the leaders. Moreover, a simple condemnation can only aggravate positions on the ground. As is the case of AU forces in Darfur and will likely be the case in Kenya and Zimbabwe. If military intervention must occur, it should be backed by regional organizations, legitimized by the UN, and with provided resources to succeed. Then, space will be created for internal dialogue. Internal problems are bettered by internal mechanisms for resolving conflict, and agreements thus crafted last longer.

2. Can the United States and the European Nations play a constructive role in collaborating with African governments in strengthening democracy? What, or what not, should that role consist of?

No one can teach others how to govern themselves. Democracy should be home grown. The first steps should be openness, transparency and accountability of public officials. However, we must also learn from each other. It would be unwise not to seek counsel, not to ask for assistance when needed, and not to learn from others including Europeans (former colonizers or not). The point is that the FINAL actions and decisions must be ours because we know our country needs and interests best. African political choices and economic policies need to be of the African people and serve our land.

3. Can you think of any aspects of American or European-style democracy that you believe have been unsuccessful in your country or others in Africa? If so, why, and what ideas do you have that might work better?

In theory, separation of power (executive, legislative and judiciary).

In practice, the check and balances has not worked in Togo and in other African countries in general. If the 3 institutions are well resourced, staffed and well run, they will create space for democracy building and sustainable development. It has not worked in Togo simply because these systems are based on the principles of democracy. Without free and open elections, Togo is far from taking the first steps toward a democratic system. The only thing that I will suggest is to begin to create a safe and violence free society.

4. To what extent does successful democracy depend on a strong, common sense of national identity? In what ways can ethnic, religious, linguistic, tribal, caste and regional identities be respected yet woven into common national identities? Can you think of any examples from your country or elsewhere?

5. Ideally, what do you believe the political role of the military should be in your country?

The military should be at the service of the country and not its governing body. The military have played a strong role in many African countries in a most devastating way. Corrupt leaders often in control of the military have used this body to intimidate, steal public money, and violate basic human rights with impunity. The role of the military has been so tarnished that I believe in order for it to play a productive role it must be reformed and professionalized. It also must change from ethnic armed forces to truly national ones. Then, the military will cease being the tool of one man, the president, and become a force at the service of the good of the entire nation. In a nutshell, the military could play a role, the one that protects and functions within a democratic system with violent free election.

6. What do you believe is the single biggest obstacle or challenge to democracy in your home country? How would you like to see it addressed?

The single biggest obstacle to democracy in Togo is the role of the military, and the long rule of the same president and his dynasty, for more than 4 decades (e. g. the new president, son of the late president, was first imposed by the military; then, he was forced by the international community to organize elections, which he ran and won with the opposition contesting the results).
I am not sure if this could be addressed in the near future but perhaps with proper procedures and influence from the AU and the International Community the next election could bring new changes. I will further suggest the following amendments: – No one should serve more than two consecutive terms. – In case a president serves two consecutive terms as a result of a free election, the successor should not be a member of the previous ruler’s family. – If there is violence at the time of election the responsible running candidate should be automatically disqualified. -Of course none of these will be possible if the system does not practice certain democratic ideals such as, balance of power, check and balance and free elections.

7. What social issues would have the best chance of being solved in your country as a result of greater democracy?

8. How can the rural and urban poor be given a role in political decision-making beyond the (sometimes very) occasional trip to the ballot box? Do you know of any efforts to “decentralize” power to the state, regional or village level in your home country?

9. Please discuss any issue related to strengthening democracy in Africa that you could not address by answering the previous questions. Any other questions we should ask?

Other suggestions

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How Can Democracy be Strengthened in African Countries?

Posted Jan 21, 2008 in the DemocracyGovernance category.

WE WANT YOUR OPINION!

Debates surrounding global issues are too often dominated by elites in government, the media and academia. The issue of democracy in Africa is no exception. Usually, the opinions and attitudes of citizens outside official bastions of power are disturbingly absent from discourse on the subject. The Center for African Affairs and Global Peace (CAAGLOP) aims to elicit your opinions and those of others in order to foster an open, lively debate among Africans on how democracy can be promoted and strengthened throughout the African continent. Information about you, as well as your answers to the questions below will be included in a series of profiles of people from various African countries. However, you are free to participate anonymously. The information you include in your profile and those of others will be posted on CAAGLOP’s Africa Policy Analyst Viewpoint Forum Page (at our Web Site, www.caaglop.org ). Your participation in this project is very important to us, and helps CAAGLOP foster a citizen-based dialogue on how to make democracy a tool for sustainable development for all Africans, especially the rural and urban poor.
Background: I. Defining Democracy
If the building of a bridge does not enrich the consciousness of those working on it, then don’t build the bridge, and let the citizens continue to swim across the river or use a ferry. The bridge must not be pitch-forked or foisted upon the social landscape by a dues ex machine, but, on the contrary, must be the product of the citizens’ brains and muscles… The citizen must appropriate the bridge. Then, and only then, is everything possible. – Frantz Fanon, in Damnes de la Terre (Wretched of the Earth)

What he (Jefferson) perceived to be the mortal danger to the republic was that the Constitution had given all power to the citizens, without giving them the opportunity of being republicans and of acting as citizens. – Hannah Arendt, in On Revolution
This project on the state of democracy in Africa takes as its premise Anyang Nyong’o’s belief that “at the center of the failure of African states to chart viable paths for development is the issue of lack of accountability, hence of democracy as well .” We don’t want to lead your answers too much, but we do hope that your answers will be oriented toward ideas that explore how democracy can better be made to work for the majority of Africans. Though we will not reject arguments in favor of the “stable autocrat”, we urge you to think outside of the box with us!
Any discussion involving democratization in Africa must proceed with a definition of democracy. We encourage you to offer your own ideas on what it means for a country to be “democratic”, but the following conditions are offered as a starting point:
Meaningful and extensive competition among individuals and organized groups (especially political parties) for all effective positions of government power, at regular intervals and excluding the use of force; a highly inclusive level of political participation in the selection of leaders and policies, at least through regular and fair elections, such that no major (adult) social group is excluded; and a level of civil and political liberties- freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom to form and join organizations- sufficient to ensure the integrity of political competition and participation.
These conditions are sufficient if our conception of democracy is restricted to the realm of free, open campaigns and elections. Additionally, as you answer the questions, try to keep in mind ideas on how citizens, especially in poor rural and urban areas, can be made regular participants in decision making, as opposed to just elections. Keep in mind the quotes from Frantz Fanon and Hannah Arendt, above. II. Current Situation
Analysis of political situations in specific African countries is better left to you. You know the situation in your home country better than we do. However, we will summarize some of the important developments of the past year: – In April 2007, Nigeria, Africa’s most-populous country, elected Umaru Yar’Adua President in an election marred by widespread irregularities, according to most local and foreign observers. – That same month, Mali continued what appeared to observers to be its consolidation of democracy, as Amadou Toumani Toure was re-elected for another five-year term. Toure surprised many in the early 1990s when, after seizing power in a military coup, handed over power to civilian authorities. Toure was elected President in 2002 in another peaceful transition of power. – Mali is one of several African countries where, according to Freedom House, the political systems are now “free.” Other countries on the list are Senegal, Namibia, Botswana, South Africa, Lesotho, Ghana and Benin. In Senegal, President Abdoulaye Wade was reelected President for a second term in February 2007 with 56% of the first round vote. – During 2007, the Democratic Republic of Congo saw continued escalation of violence in the eastern territory of North Kivu, culminating in ferocious battles between government troops and rebels in December. The developments are a blow to the hopes raised after the country’s national elections in 2006. Over 370,000 people have been displaced as a result of the violence. – In Sudan, negotiations late in the year between the Khartoum government and the southern-based Sudan People’s Liberation Movement to revive the country’s national unity government, was overshadowed by the genocide in Darfur. The Darfur genocide has resulted in the deaths of over 200,000 people and displaced over 2 million. Currently, only 7,500 UNAMID soldiers of a planned force of 20,000 are in Darfur. – Kenya is in the throes of political crisis, as opposition leader Raila Odinga seems poised to contest the legitimacy of President Mwai Kibaki’s re-election by a 2% margin on December 27. Most tallies during the ballot counting placed Mr. Odinga ahead of the President. 600 Kenyans have been killed in violence around the country following the election, and it has been revealed that the military has used “lethal force” against opposition protesters. Mr. Odinga’s party has a 99-43 edge in parliamentary seats over the ruling Party of National Unity.
Your Profile
To the best of your ability, offer your opinions regarding the issues addressed in at least two or three of the questions below. Remember, we are not looking for “expert” opinions. If you would like, you may conduct some research to back your opinions. However, it is not necessary.

Name:
Age:
Gender:
Home City/Town:
Home Country:
Current place of residence:
Current Occupation:
Questions- You are free to answer all of them. Please try to answer at least 2 to 3 of them.